By Rex Li
A emerging China, diplomacy theories, and chinese language defense discourse of East Asian powers -- Hegemonic aspirations in a unipolar international : US safeguard technique below the George Bush Snr and invoice Clinton presidencies -- September eleven, pre-emption and the Bush Doctrine : US safeguard process below the George W. Bush management -- protection, identification, and strategic selection : Japan's quest for an exceptional energy prestige -- A key participant in an rising multipolar global : Russia and East Asian safety -- China's reaction to the protection problem of the key powers in East Asia : identification building and nice energy aspirations -- chinese language protection discourse and its implications for the talk at the upward thrust of China
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Additional resources for A Rising China and Security in East Asia: Identity Construction and Security Discourse (Politics in Asia)
This realist interpretation of power is too static and pessimistic, as it reinforces existing suspicion and fear among states and precludes the possibility that all actors involved in international cooperation can have shared benefits. The liberal emphasis on absolute gains that encourages China and the outside world to work with each other appears to be more conducive to the furtherance of prosperity and security. However, would China take military action to resolve conflicts, even though it is economically interdependent with other countries?
Consequently, various strategies of containment or constrainment of China have been advocated by Realist scholars (Krauthammer 1995; Rachman 1995; Roy 1993, 1994, Segal 1996). Liberal interpretations: economic modernization, democratization and peace Unlike the realists who tend to stress the importance of structural constraints to state actions, liberals believe that the behaviour of a state is determined largely by domestic factors such as culture, ideology and political structure. In the liberal view, a government that is democratically elected is less likely to go to war against the will of its own people, and a state that is more interested in economic development and trade is unlikely to invade its trading partners.
As the leading realist scholar Robert Gilpin (1981: 106–107) observes, a non-status quo power will attempt to change the international system by extending ‘its territorial control, its political influence, and/or its domination of the international economy’ until ‘the marginal costs of further expansion are equal to or greater than the marginal benefits of expansion’. Following Gilpin, Roy (1994) and Buzan and Segal (1994) argue that China is a dissatisfied and non-status quo power seeking to ‘right the wrongs’ of its humiliating history and alter the existing rules of the international system that are thought to be created and dictated by the West.